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April, 2010 Monthly archive

Three election manifestos have been published this week, with varying discussion of arts policy. Some summaries, in order of arrival:

1. The Labour manifesto touches on the arts in two places: framing access to the arts as a part of a balanced primary and secondary education; and in the section headed ‘communities and creative Britain,’ which argues that ‘culture and the arts are vital to a modern economy.’

Accordingly, we’re told that that ‘every child and young person should be entitled to five hours of art, music and culture per week,’ and that ‘every child will have lifetime library membership from birth.’ Labour propose to ‘work with theatres and sponsors to provide reduced-rate tickets for theatrical productions around Britain,’ and to fund ‘Creative Bursaries’ which will support early-career artists. There’s also a commitment to granting public institutions new rights to borrow works of art from the national collection ‘so that more people can benefit from access to our national artistic heritage.’

There are also a few hints of how funding might change in a future of public spending cuts, though no firm details:

We will review how incentives for philanthropic support can be strengthened. Our major museums and galleries should be operationally independent of government, so we will legislate to ensure their managerial and financial autonomy. (p. 7:4)

Similarly, the desire to “promote greater public involvement in the way that National Lottery proceeds are spent on good causes” is rather vague. Are the arts “good causes”? What does “promote” mean? There’s also the oblique admission that “a proportion of Lottery funding” for the arts is going to the Olympics, but will return to “culture, heritage and sport” after 2012.

Finally, Labour plan to merge the British Film Institute and UK Film Council to establish “a single body to promote film production and film heritage,” and propose tax relief for the UK video games industry. They also plan a new biennial Festival of Britain, beginning in 2013, which will showcase ‘our major cultural achievements and young British talent across all of our creative industries.’

The manifesto also defends the BBC’s independence, and the license fee – as well as the role of Channel 4 as ‘a public-service broadcaster providing distinctive competition to the BBC, alongside ITV and Channel 5′ – and promises to ‘fund three regional news programme pilots from the digital switchover under-spend in the current licence-fee period.’

2. The Conversative manifesto‘s engagement with the arts is far less detailed, and refers to the issue only in the context of reforming the National Lottery fund. It’s precisely one sentence long: ‘Sports, heritage and the arts will each see their original allocations of 20 per cent of good cause money restored’ (p. 39). There’s a glowing reference to Brighton’s arts festivals (including Pride) on page 60, but this isn’t linked to any policy: it seems to serve the purpose of reminding us that Brighton is the home of many creative industries, and many gay people. Uh, okay.

In fairness, there’s slightly more detail on the Conservative party website – with proposals to ‘amend local media ownership rules’ and ‘create a system of commercially viable local television stations,’ but there’s no specific mention of the BBC, theatre, music or galleries. Instead – and in keeping with the party’s new ‘people power’ theme, we are invited to ‘take control of the most enjoyable aspects of [our] lives.’ However, these policy details not do appear in the manifesto.

3. Finally, the Liberal Democrat’s manifesto offers a  number of specific policies – all apparently aimed at confirming that ‘the arts are a central part of civic and community life’ (p. 44). Echoing Labour plans, the Lib Dems promise to maintain free entry to national museums and galleries, and open up the Government Art Collection for greater public use. The proposed ‘creative enterprise fund’ might also mirror Labour’s Creative Bursaries, though is aimed at providing grants and loans to creative businesses.

Most specifically, the Liberal Democrats state they will reform entertainment licensing (p. 46):

We will reintroduce the rule allowing two performers of unamplifi ed music in any licensed premises without the need for an entertainment licence, allow licensed venues for up to 200 people to host live music without the need for an entertainment licence, and remove the requirement for schools and hospitals to apply for a licence.

The Lib Dem manifesto also makes direct mention of the BBC, asserting the need for the institution to remain ‘free from interference and securely funded, not least to provide impartial news, independent of political and commercial pressures,’ while committing to ensure that ‘the BBC does not undermine the viability of other media providers through unfair competition based on its public funding and dominant position.’

Finally, there’s also a proposal that seed funding for a green economy could be suported in part by selling off parts of the radio spectrum (p. 25). How might this sit alongside the desire to ‘support a diverse regional and local media’?

Any thoughts or comments? How does arts policy factor into your voting plans?

Update: see My Dog Ate Art for further discussion of arts policy in the three manifestos.

Note: I’ve focussed here on the published manifestos – let me know if I’ve missed anything significant, or made any errors.

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If you assume that gay theatre is either finally “out of the ghetto” because it’s in mainstream London venues or somehow still closeted because it wants to appeal to a mainstream audience – as in Mark Shenton’s post on the Guardian theatre blog – then you’re setting a very narrow trap for yourself.

It also helps to remember that gay performance and theatre work is being made outside of London: glasgay! and Queer Up North immediately spring to mind as major queer arts festivals held in Glasgow and Manchester respectively. If we have to stay within the M25, there’s GFest, London’s own LGBTQ festival heading into its fourth year of work and currently seeking submissions. What these festivals have in common is the sheer diversity of modes of representation, and the multiplicity of lives, desires and stories within them.

The idea of “niche or not,” or “realistic or not” doesn’t apply, and acts as an unhelpfully reductive way of trying to describe what’s involved in those festivals. And that’s before we even consider the professional work being made all year round outside of mainstream venues and mainstream practice – such as the numerous and growing applied and theatre in education projects tackling homophobia and gender identity.

In other words, recourse to the limited dynamic of in/out to describe gay theatre is to confine it to a particular historical moment does not exist any more – or is, at the very least, being speedily re-written. Does the closet still exist? Yes. Does it fully describe what contemporary queer performance involves? Certainly not.

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